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The War Inevitable
Patrick
Henry (1736-1799)
March 23, 1775
No man, Mr. President, thinks more highly than I do of
the patriotism, as well as the abilities, of the very
honorable gentlemen who have
just addressed the House. But different men often see the
same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope
it will not be thought
disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining, as I
do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I
should speak forth my
sentiments freely, and without reserve. This is no time
for ceremony. The question before the house is of awful
moment to this country.
For my own part, I consider it nothing less than a
question of freedom or slavery. And in proportion to the
magnitude of the subject
ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this
way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the
great responsibility which
we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my
opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence,
I should consider
myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an
act of disloyalty towards the majesty of Heaven, which I
revere above all
earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the
illusions of Hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a
painful truth, and listen to the
song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is
this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous
struggle for liberty? Are
we disposed to be of the number of those who, having
eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things
which so nearly concern their
temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of
spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth;
to know the worst, and to
provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are
guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no
way of judging of the
future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish
to know what there has been in the British ministry, for
the last ten years, to
justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been
pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that
insidious smile with which our
petition has lately been received? Trust it not, sir; it
will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to
be betrayed with a kiss. Ask
yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition
comports with those warlike preparations which cover our
waters and darken our
land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love
and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves to be so
unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in
to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir.
These are the implements of war and subjugation,
--the last arguments to which kings resort.
I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if
its purpose be not to force us into submission? Can
gentlemen assign any other
possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in
this quarter of the world, to call for all this
accumulation of navies and armies?
No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be
meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet
upon us those chains
which the British ministry have been so long forging.
And what have we to oppose them? Shall we try argument?
Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years.
Have we anything new to
offer upon that subject? Nothing. We have held the
subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it
has been all in vain. Shall we
resort to entreaty, and humble supplication? What terms
shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let
us not, I beseech you,
sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done
everything that could be done to avert the storm which is
now coming on. We have
petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we
have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have
implored its
interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the
ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been
slighted; our remonstrances have
produced additional violence and insult; our
supplications have been disregarded; and we have been
spurned with contempt at the foot of
the throne.
In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope
of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room
for hope. If we wish
to be free; if we mean to preserve inviolate those
inestimable privileges for which we have been so long
contending; if we mean not
basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have
been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves
never to abandon
until the glorious object of our contest shall be
obtained, --we must fight! I repeat it, sir, --we must
fight! An appeal to arms, and to the
God of hosts, is all that is left us.
They tell us, sir, that we are weak, --unable to cope
with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be
stronger? Will it be the next
week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally
disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in
every house? Shall we
gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we
acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying
supinely on our backs, and
hugging the delusive phantom of Hope, until our enemies
shall have bound us hand and foot?
Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those
means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.
Three millions of
people armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a
country as that which we posess, are invincible by any
force which our enemy
can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our
battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the
destinies of nations, and
who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us.
The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone: it is to the
vigilant, the active, the brave.
Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough
to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the
contest. There is no retreat but
in submission and slavery. Our chains are forged. Their
clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston. The war is
inevitable. And let it
come! I repeat it, sir, let it come!
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen
may cry peace, peace, but there is no peace. The war is
actually begun. The next
gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears
the clash of resounding arms. Our brethren are already in
the field. Why stand we
here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? what would
they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be
purchased at the price of
chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not
what course others may take, but as for me, give me
liberty, or give me death!"
America
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